2026 | Notebook

1. Pre-result Mangalore chartered flight row

Early May 2026

Before the assembly election results were declared, opposition parties alleged that V.D. Satheesan took a private chartered flight to Mangalore for undisclosed meetings with senior NDA and Adani Group figures, prompting collusion accusations. Reported specifics: a passenger manifest for a May 1, 2026 charter from Kochi to Mangaluru listed just two passengers — Satheesan and K. Rejikumar. In Mangaluru, Satheesan reportedly met JD(S) leaders (the BJP’s Karnataka ally) at a reception, allegedly without informing the Karnataka Congress leadership beforehand, as is customary for an out-of-state leader’s visit; photos of the meeting later circulated on social media. One outlet additionally reported that Rejikumar, his co-passenger, had separately been questioned by the SIT investigating the Sabarimala temple gold theft case (the same case behind entry #8) — a claim carried by a single source and not independently corroborated here.

The row resurfaced later. PTI (July 4) quoted CPI(M)’s K.K. Ragesh alleging that “the results” of the meeting with Adani officials were beginning to emerge and asking who bore the cost, and The Hindu (September 22) quoted CPI(M)’s P. Rajeeve saying Satheesan still had not disclosed who sponsored the flight. The reports differ on its date — May 1 per the manifest reports, the eve of the UDF government’s swearing-in per The Hindu — and the alleged meetings with Adani officials remain allegations by CPI(M).

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2. Cabinet formation & regional imbalance row

May 18–19, 2026

Soon after the UDF took office, haggling over ministerial portfolios ran on past the May 18 swearing-in. The Hindu (May 19) reported that the UDF had hinted at a broad agreement but the portfolios had not been gazetted: MLA-elect Mani C. Kappan said allies were restive over “unresolved questions” and questioned a term-sharing formula with “unusual” exceptions, notably for C.P. John; and, according to a UDF insider, the allocation was stuck over the Latin Catholic Church’s insistence that the Congress keep the Fisheries portfolio, tentatively promised to the IUML, with the IUML willing to give it up in return for Higher Education. CM Satheesan went to the Thiruvananthapuram Archbishop’s residence hours after the swearing-in, reportedly to placate the Church, which objected to no member of the coastal community being in the Cabinet. The Hindu also reported anger within the UDF’s rank and file over the regional balance, with some districts unrepresented while Kollam got three ministers; the CM’s office promised a “consensus decision.” Onmanorama adds that the Latin community has four UDF MLAs but no minister and that Church representatives stayed away from the swearing-in, and Outlook (May 19) that the IUML got five posts.

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3. Minister Sunny Joseph’s brother-in-law named to his personal staff

June 2–8, 2026

Electricity Minister and KPCC president Sunny Joseph faced nepotism allegations after his brother-in-law Benny Thomas — husband of Joseph’s sister, a Kannur DCC office-bearer and former Ulikkal panchayat president — was appointed his Additional Private Secretary in early June. CPI(M) supporters compared it to the resignations of E.P. Jayarajan (2016) and K.T. Jaleel (2021) over relatives’ appointments; the minister’s office cited Thomas’s political record. Thomas resigned on June 7, saying he did not want his presence in the minister’s staff to “cast a shadow over Mr. Joseph’s public life,” and on June 8 Joseph said there were “no legal issues” and that Thomas had stepped down solely to avoid controversy, while declining to say whether the CM had asked him to resign (The Hindu, June 8). At a KPCC meeting M.M. Hassan reportedly said great caution should have been exercised in appointing relatives to personal staff. CPI(M)’s M.V. Jayarajan alleged that nearly ten close relatives of Joseph had secured positions in cooperative and other institutions over three decades through political influence; that is an allegation, and no independent confirmation was found.

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4. Economy white paper backlash

June 4 – July 14, 2026

The government tabled a “status report” (June 4) describing a structural fiscal problem inherited from the previous LDF government. On July 14, Pinarayi Vijayan released the CPI(M)’s own “White Paper of Facts,” which described the status report and the revised budget as a politically motivated move to withdraw from welfare and shrink the public sector (The Federal’s paraphrase; no second outlet found for that wording).

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5. Vehicle modification promise vs. High Court action

May 14 – August 26, 2026

At his first press conference as Chief Minister-designate on May 14, Satheesan answered a question on his campaign promise to permit safe vehicle modifications with a grin that went viral as his “pookie face,” saying “if promised, it will be delivered.” On June 4 the Motor Vehicles Department published a list of 18 modifications that could be made without prior permission — mostly accessories already in common use, such as seat covers, floor mats, door visors and dashcams — which drew mockery and disappointment among enthusiasts; Progressive Techies’ state president Aneesh Panthalani called the promise one meant to impress youth and unlikely to be met. Transport Commissioner C.H. Nagaraju said the list merely codified existing practices and that changes to central motor vehicle rules need the Centre’s approval; lawyer Kaleeswaram Raj called the promise “not merely populist but also deceptive”; Transport Minister C.P. John was non-committal, saying there had been no ministerial-level discussion, and The Hindu (June 12) noted that no policy-level steps had been taken. After a High Court order prompted by a modified vehicle seen in flood rescue work at Adoor in early August, the MVD stepped up its crackdown on August 24–26: ₹5,000 for each unauthorised modification, vehicles to be restored before re-inspection, and RTOs to report on enforcement by September 3 (The Hindu, August 25). That August report says the government allowed certain modifications under restricted conditions in June, while the June report describes the list as the MVD’s proposal for the government’s consideration; LiveLaw reports that the Division Bench held the ₹5,000 fine applies per alteration, continuing an order of November 21, 2025.

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6. Wayanad township: officer transfers, and Congress’s own Wayanad house fund

Transfers June 9, 2026; slowdown alleged July 30; fund questions February–June 2026

Two separate claims with different levels of support.

Officer transfers and pace. A June 9 IAS reshuffle (reported by Indian Mandarins; no second outlet was found for its text) moved Suhas S (previously managing director of the Roads and Bridges Development Corporation and Special Officer for the Wayanad Township) to Special Secretary, Water Resources, and Dr Arun J.O. (previously Chief Operating Officer of the Township Project) to Director, Survey and Land Records. Arun J.O.’s entry reportedly also lists the Special Officer, Wayanad Township Project role among his additional charges (from a search-result summary; not confirmed on the page that was opened), while Suhas S’s says only that he keeps “his other additional charge.” So at least two project-linked officers were moved; no others were found, so “many” is unsupported.

On pace, Opposition Leader Pinarayi Vijayan alleged on July 30 that work had slowed significantly under the UDF: he said 308 of the 410 houses had been concreted before the change of government but only nine more in the UDF’s first 70 days, blamed in part on “unnecessary transfers” of officials with critical responsibilities, and said 149 families were still waiting (Awaz The Voice). No government reply and no independent count of houses concreted were found, so this is an allegation, not an established fact. The baseline was already behind schedule: on March 28, under the LDF and during the Model Code of Conduct, Onmanorama reported more than 128 of the 178 first-phase houses inaugurated on March 1 still incomplete, with an official hoping for completion by April 15. That exact count is single-sourced; The News Minute (April 3) and IANS (April 17) describe the same picture with different details — plumbing and infrastructure unfinished, only about 40 houses ready per IANS, and a missed pre-Vishu promise. On September 10, Agriculture Minister T. Siddique said 178 keys had been handed over with 177 families living there, about 110 more houses were due by end-September, all 410 houses by October 31 and amenities by December, with roughly 810 workers on site and a prepared weekly work schedule; he blamed rain for slight delays in painting (Onmanorama and Deccan Chronicle). The end-September target for about 110 houses has not been independently confirmed as met.

Congress’s Wayanad house fund — a party matter, not a government one. This predates the UDF taking office. The Congress and Youth Congress had promised 100 houses for landslide survivors and run a fundraising drive; the Congress acquired about 3.25 acres at Kunnampatta and laid the foundation stone on February 26 (The News Minute, Deccan Chronicle); Onmanorama described the project as having “nothing materialised” as of February 9, and by April only preliminary work had been done (The News Minute). In April, KPCC president Sunny Joseph disclosed ₹5.38 crore received in a joint account held with Satheesan, plus ₹1.05 crore collected by the Youth Congress (reports differ on whether the latter is included in the former), spent on land in two phases — about 3 acres 24.5 cents for ₹3.68 crore and 2 acres 15 cents for a little over ₹2.5 crore — with ₹97 lakh added from KPCC funds (The South First instead describes phase 1 as covering over five acres, so acreage reports differ). CPI(M) questioned whether the figures matched the scale of the campaign (The Federal, April 7). More specific allegations — for instance that the account is missing from candidates’ election affidavits and the AICC balance sheet — come from a Deshabhimani report that couldn’t be opened, so they are unverified here. No finding of misappropriation by any authority was found. CPI(M) was still questioning the Congress’s housing delay in early June, calling the February foundation-stone ceremony a face-saving exercise (Hans India, June 6).

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7. Nipah response row & “Eranamkettavan” remark

June 11–22, 2026

A single Nipah case was confirmed in Kozhikode on June 11 — a 43-year-old man from Feroke. WHO’s June 25 notice lists one confirmed case, no deaths, no secondary cases and 104 contacts under monitoring; the patient recovered and was discharged in early August. The opposition LDF nonetheless accused the government of failing to control the spread of diseases (Nipah, Shigella and other viral infections) and walked out of the Assembly on June 22 after Speaker Thiruvanchoor Radhakrishnan disallowed an adjournment motion moved by CPI(M)’s P.A. Mohamed Riyas and CPI’s G.R. Anil, citing the minister’s explanation of the steps taken. Pinarayi Vijayan accused the Health Minister of being absent from Kozhikode after the case was reported, said the minister himself had spoken of a lack of coordination between the Health and Local Self-Government departments, and pointed to vacant District Medical Officer posts in five districts and 390 doctors awaiting appointment. Health Minister K. Muraleedharan said the government was trying to right a health system in shambles, accused the previous LDF government of neglecting disease prevention and cleaning, said the single case had been contained through effective tracking, and said some officials, including the Director of Health Services, were transferred because they continued to show allegiance to the previous government (The Hindu, June 22). He also drew criticism, having said it was more practical to coordinate from Thiruvananthapuram than Kozhikode, when an earlier speech from his time in opposition resurfaced on social media — in which he said, roughly, that the land would be ruined if an “unlucky” man (eranamkettavan) ruled it, alongside a remark about previously unheard-of diseases; he later clarified it. Separately, ThePrint reported three Shigella deaths in Kozhikode (two children aged 3 and 4, and a 59-year-old woman) among 135 confirmed cases since January — unrelated to Nipah.

An earlier version of this entry said the outbreak had killed “close to a hundred people including children.” That was wrong: no Nipah deaths were reported. The figure likely conflates the roughly 100 contacts traced with fatalities.

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8. K.B. Pradeep special pleader resignation

June 2026 (resigned June 13)

The government appointed advocate K.B. Pradeep as Special Government Pleader for the Devaswom Department, then faced backlash when it emerged he had previously represented a company accused in the Sabarimala temple gold theft case. CPI(M) leaders — including K.N. Balagopal, P. Rajeeve and former Devaswom Minister V.N. Vasavan — objected; CM Satheesan sought his resignation, and Pradeep stepped down on June 13.

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9. Women’s Safety Pension on hold

Payments withheld since April 2026; latest status found: June 29, 2026

The Women’s Safety Pension — ₹1,000 a month for women and transgender women aged 35–60 in AAY (yellow) and priority (pink) ration-card households who receive no other pension — was announced by the previous LDF government on October 29, 2025 and launched on February 11, 2026, shortly before the election (the first payment went to about 10.18 lakh women). On June 15, Opposition Leader Pinarayi Vijayan alleged the UDF government was undermining it: payments for April and May had been withheld, and the Finance Department was holding up decisions on new applicants. He said about 16 lakh women were receiving it, and CM Satheesan himself gave 16.4 lakh (against a projected 31.34 lakh) at the Assembly on June 29 — both numbers come from the politicians; no neutral government count was found. (The 31.34 lakh figure is the number the LDF government projected as eligible, so “31 lakh women’s pension stopped” overstates how many were actually being paid.)

On June 22, CM Satheesan told the Assembly the scheme is not part of the state’s social security pension programme and remains under review, with no decision yet on its future; payments had not been disbursed for the past two months. The government says it never said the scheme would not continue but can’t decide without completing a scrutiny, and the CM accused the LDF of rushing it out just before the polls. Quoting the CM in the Assembly on June 29, ETV Bharat (Malayalam) reports the budget has earmarked ₹1,770 crore for the scheme, while IANS reports ₹1,950 crore — so the figure is unsettled. No report after June 29 (English or Malayalam) was found on whether payments resumed or the scheme was formally continued or ended, so its current status is unverified.

Context (calculated here, not from a source): ₹600 crore is the revised-budget allocation for Priyadarshini — about ₹50 crore a month — and free tickets worth about ₹266.5 crore (government figure, to September 19) were issued in its first 100 days (see entry #4 in UDF Government Achievements). Paying 16 lakh women ₹1,000 a month would cost about ₹1,920 crore a year. The two schemes serve different groups (a cash transfer to lower-income women versus a fare subsidy open to all women and transgender persons), so whether they compete as spending priorities is a political argument rather than a settled fact.

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10. PM-SHRI education scheme U-turn

June 17 – October 4, 2026

The previous LDF government signed the PM-SHRI agreement on October 16,

Education Minister V. Sivankutty described it on October 24 as a “tactical” move to overcome the Centre’s denial of school-education funds: the state had lost ₹188.58 crore in 2023-24 and ₹513.54 crore in 2024-25 and was due ₹456.01 crore that year, and signing would bring those arrears plus two years of PM-SHRI funds, ₹1,476.13 crore in all (the scheme winds up in March 2027); he added that no steps to implement it had been taken (The Hindu, October 24, 2025). On October 29, however, Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan announced that implementation was on hold after its ally CPI objected that neither the Cabinet nor the front’s partners had been consulted, pending a seven-member Cabinet subcommittee chaired by Sivankutty (Careers360); a letter informing the Centre followed in November.

In June the UDF government, which had opposed the scheme while in opposition, decided to continue with it. CM Satheesan said Kerala had been “forced to” because the LDF government had “already entered into an agreement” and “received money” from the Centre, and that implementation is conditional on the Centre not intervening in the curriculum framework and the state choosing the schools; the state also needs ₹1,100 crore held up by the Centre.

On July 30, however, Union Minister of State for Education Jayant Chaudhary told the Rajya Sabha, replying to MP Abdul Wahab, that PM-SHRI had not been implemented in Kerala’s government schools, that the state had not taken part in selecting schools after signing the MoU, and that no PM-SHRI funds had been released: the ₹99.27 crore released to Kerala was its Right to Education allocation under Samagra Shiksha. He added that states can withdraw but forfeit the scheme’s benefits (Mathrubhumi and NDTV, July 31). Satheesan had said Kerala had received and used about ₹99 crore under the scheme and that another ₹106 crore was sanctioned, making withdrawal difficult; the Centre’s reply suggests that money was unrelated to PM-SHRI. Pinarayi Vijayan called the UDF decision a “shameful surrender” and cited a May 8, 2026 letter from the Union Education Secretary urging Kerala to begin implementation as showing the scheme had not taken effect. The IUML has not publicly endorsed the decision, and a UDF meeting on July 30 ended without a strong statement from League leaders. UDF leaders had said during the campaign that the scheme would be “thrown into the Arabian Sea” (NDTV). The UDF formed its own Cabinet subcommittee — four members (N. Shamsudeen, Roji M. John, P.C. Vishnunadh and M. Liju) per NDTV, matching The Hindu’s June explainer and Onmanorama; a September 3 Hindu report says three. The LDF alleged a Congress–BJP deal and demanded an apology, noting that Satheesan, K.C. Venugopal and P.K. Kunhalikutty had said a UDF government would not implement it; the BJP hailed the decision as a victory (The Hindu, June 18). Former minister K. Rajan said the LDF had frozen implementation within weeks of signing the MoU, with no schools selected or funds drawn (The Hindu, June 20). At the KPCC’s Political Affairs Committee on September 3 the CM reportedly said the state could not withdraw from the MoU but that, if it proceeded, curriculum and school selection would rest with the state (The Hindu).

Update (October 3–4, 2026): the government has reportedly put the scheme on hold. The pause, the suspension of the Cabinet subcommittee’s work and the Muslim League’s strong opposition are reported by Reporter Live and SouthLive (October 3) as well as Onmanorama (October 4). Onmanorama alone adds that there is a front-level understanding of “no need to rush” and that it will proceed only after political consensus, and that the CM and Education Minister N. Shamsudeen denied having taken a final decision to abandon the scheme — those details are single-sourced.

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11. Monsoon power crisis & mismanagement

Mid-June – September 23, 2026 (background: April 28)

Background: on April 28, in the LDF government’s final weeks, the Additional Chief Secretary (Power) authorised load shedding of up to 30 minutes between 6 pm and midnight “in extreme conditions” as demand hit records (6,033 MW after 6 pm). Officials attributed that surge to a heat wave (41°C against a forecast 38°C), heavier air-conditioner use and EV charging, and a shift to induction cooking after cooking-gas shortages, which IANS and The Hindu (September 16) linked to the West Asia conflict (the war on Iran and the Hormuz disruption squeezed India’s LPG supplies); Kerala depends on outside sources for over 70% of its power. KSEB said the authority covered only cases where the transmission and distribution network came under “unbearable stress,” and that no load shedding had been imposed, though limited curbs occurred in parts of Malabar because of line and transformer overloads. IANS reported that the LDF government had claimed Kerala stayed free of load shedding “for nearly a decade under Left rule”; that is the government’s own claim, and no independent confirmation was found.

Earlier years: reservoir storage was 32% in April 2026, the lowest in nine years, but April 2017 was lower, at 24% (Kerala Kaumudi); June 2026’s 21% was the lowest for June since 2023. In 2024, with demand peaking at 5,646 MW against a transmission system maximum then reported as 5,850 MW, the LDF government ruled out cyclical load shedding, and overloaded 11 kV feeders tripped automatically, causing localized outages (Onmanorama, May 2024). How the 2017 and 2023 shortfalls were handled is not documented in the sources reviewed beyond the LDF’s own claim above, and no 2026 figure for the grid’s maximum capacity was found.

Unannounced evening restrictions (6 pm–midnight) were imposed from mid-June, under the UDF government (Onmanorama). The reported causes then were on the supply side: Kerala Kaumudi (June 18) cited reservoirs at 21%, availability on the power exchange down to 5%, KSEB failing to secure short-term purchase agreements, and repayment of electricity borrowed in March–April; Madhyamam (July 16) cited storage at 29% against over 60% a year earlier, hydel generation falling from 44.2 to 16.6 million units a day, and a reduced central allocation, with Electricity Minister Sunny Joseph saying it was impossible to predict how long restrictions would last. A DYFI protest at KSEB’s Thrissur office followed on June 19 (ETV Bharat, Malayalam). On July 21 the regulator, KSERC, directed KSEB to replace “surprise” cuts with schedules fixed by 5 pm the previous day. CPI(M) held statewide protests from late July over the power shortage (The Federal).

A second wave followed in September, with CPI(M) and CPI protests from September 12–15. Onmanorama’s September 10 analysis (single-sourced) attributed a 900 MW shortfall to temperatures 2–3°C above normal, wet coal cutting output at central stations, lower Idukki generation (1,384 MU against 1,680 MU a year earlier) and repayment of borrowed power; restrictions were announced until the end of September. On September 23 the CM said consumption had risen about 950 MW year on year and that the rise “had not been anticipated or planned for in advance,” and he pointed to a cancelled 25-year power purchase agreement with no long-term alternative in place; The South First put the evening-peak deficit that day at 800–900 MW, with September consumption about 925 MW above the same month last year, and attributed the strain to demand up to 15% higher than a year earlier, reservoir storage at 63.75% (80.29% a year earlier) with lower inflows tied to El Niño, reduced availability in the national market, and unplanned shutdowns of southern thermal plants; neither report discusses LPG or induction cooking for September.

Context from The Hindu’s September 16 explainer: only about 30% of Keralam’s demand is met from internal generation, mainly hydro. Rooftop solar capacity of 2,259.50 MW (MNRE, August 30) lacks grid-scale storage, so KSEB surrenders central and round-the-clock contract power by day and buys expensive power in the evening peak; observers faulted KSEB for not planning for these trends or building battery or pumped storage. The Grid Controller of India anticipated a 12,000 MW national deficit on September 2, and a KSEB panel had warned in July of further deterioration from El Niño. The Hindu calls curbs persisting through the monsoon months unprecedented for Keralam, and has the CM putting September demand about 925 MW above last year (94.44 MU consumed on September 14, of which 70.82 MU was imported). The dispute over 465 MW of 25-year power agreements (Jhabua Power, Jindal Power, Jindal India Thermal Power) cuts both ways: they were signed in 2014 under the UDF government and rejected by the regulator in May 2023, during the LDF government, for procedural violations. The LDF tried to restore them without success, and the UDF argues that restoring them would have averted the present crisis. KSEB’s power purchases cost about ₹12,750–12,980 crore a year in 2023-24 and 2024-25.

The 950 MW is a year-on-year rise in consumption, not an evening demand surge, as an earlier version of this entry described it. The “first in a decade” framing comes from the LDF government’s own claim above and is not independently verified. Sources:

12. “Land Reforms 2.0” & asset privatization

June 19–21, 2026

The revised 2026–27 state budget, presented June 19, cut the plan outlay by about ₹5,380 crore (from ₹35,750 crore to ₹30,370 crore) and announced a restructuring of KIIFB through an expert committee. “Land Reforms 2.0” (“Second Land Reform”) is the budget’s own name for a review of land laws, not an opposition label. Former revenue minister K. Rajan, speaking in Thrissur on June 20, said the changes to land laws and ceiling norms would pave the way for large-scale transfer of land to corporates, with fast-tracked land conversion for commercial use and plantation land opened to tourism benefiting “real estate interests and land mafias,” and called privatisation the budget’s “signature.” Opposition Leader Pinarayi Vijayan and the CPI(M) separately alleged the budget pursued privatisation of state assets — these are the opposition’s characterizations, not established findings.

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13. “Bacardi tax” alcohol row

June 19 – July 1, 2026

The revised budget presented June 19 cut the tax on low-alcohol beverages and ready-to-drink alcopops (from 251% to 120%, per ANI). Critics said a concession intended for local fruit-drink producers was extended to benefit commercial spirits companies. The LDF opposition raised the issue on June 23 through a Rule 50 notice and walked out of the Assembly after Speaker Thiruvanchoor Radhakrishnan refused an adjournment motion, saying the revised-budget discussion already under way gave sufficient opportunity to debate it. Opposition Leader Pinarayi Vijayan said the move would make low-alcohol drinks available “as if soft drinks,” that the swift processing of files in favour of a private Karnataka-based company “smacked of corruption” (Deccan Chronicle names the company as Bacardi India), and that it would entice people into addiction — allegations, not findings; UDF allies such as the IUML, Congress veteran V.M. Sudheeran and several Muslim organisations also objected, but the walkouts were by the opposition, not by coalition partners. The New Indian Express (June 23) reported that Sudheeran, widely seen as Satheesan’s mentor, opposed the proposal, that AICC general secretary K.C. Venugopal signalled unease and said policy matters would be discussed within the party, and that Excise Minister M. Liju, reportedly upset at the lack of consultation, told officials to inform liquor companies that no decision had been taken on licences. The CM held firm, and the Finance Bill passed on July 1 with the opposition boycotting the vote.

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14. Rare earth and mineral sand mining corridor

June 19–24, 2026

A ₹100 crore allocation in the June 19 revised budget for a “Rare Earth and Critical Mineral Corridor” across Thiruvananthapuram, Kollam and Alappuzha drew protests among coastal communities, reported on June 22 (Hindu BusinessLine). Former KPCC president V.M. Sudheeran said opening the sector to private investment contradicted the UDF’s election promises and urged withdrawal, noting that mineral-sand mining at Thottappally in Alappuzha, begun under the previous government through public-sector undertakings, was already being protested and, he alleged, served private mining companies. Charles George of the Kerala Fishermen’s Aikya Vedi (TUCI) said it would pave the way for privatising natural resources and devastate the coastal ecology, while technocrat M.P. Sukumaran Nair backed public-private partnerships. In the Assembly budget debate (reported June 24) the CM said no public-sector mineral sand operation would be privatised.

Earlier wording that tied Sudheeran’s warning to monazite and the Adani Group is not supported by the Hindu BusinessLine report and has been removed.

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15. Election Commissioner appointment controversy

June 24 – July 7, 2026

The Cabinet decided on June 24 to appoint N. Seshadrinathan — who retired as Principal District and Sessions Judge, Lakshadweep, and was serving at the Irinjalakuda Family Court — as State Election Commissioner (Kerala Kaumudi, Asianet, ThePrint). The Governor’s approval was reported around July 1 (Onmanorama dates it July 2) and he took charge on July 7. KPCC general secretary P.M. Niyas objected, alleging links with Sangh Parivar organisations (including that he is an office-bearer of the lawyers’ body Bharatheeya Abhibhashaka Parishad) and saying the party hadn’t been consulted; Minister K.M. Shaji said it was a collective Cabinet decision. Only Onmanorama reports that CPI(M) state secretary M.V. Govindan raised similar concerns and that the IUML expressed reservations. These are the objectors’ allegations, not established fact.

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16. Vizhinjam Port 49% stake sale to MSC

June 30 – July 2026

Adani Ports and SEZ told SEBI on June 29 (reported June 30) that it had entered a definitive agreement to sell its 49% stake in Adani Vizhinjam Ports Private Limited (AVPPL), the port’s concessionaire, to MSC’s terminal arm (TiL) for $1.397 billion (about ₹13,220 crore). Under the 2015 concession agreement, Adani must keep at least 51% during construction and the first year of operations and 26% afterwards, and a transfer of 25% or more of the concessionaire’s equity needs the state government’s prior approval, which Pinarayi Vijayan says rests on national-security and public-interest grounds. Adani argues the port’s second year of operations lets it dilute up to 74% and that the process, which also needs central and Competition Commission approvals, takes three to six months. The state government and the Opposition say prior approval was not honoured when the preliminary understanding was reached; Adani says it informed the Ports Secretary and the managing director of Vizhinjam International Seaport Limited, but not the CM.

On July 1 Pinarayi raised the sale in the Assembly, saying the state had not been consulted. CM Satheesan said the government had received neither a request for prior approval nor formal intimation from Adani, and conveyed its displeasure to Adani Ports, saying it would decide only after a detailed examination and aimed to “fully protect Kerala’s interests.” Pinarayi welcomed that stance but warned of a private monopoly, and on July 2 said the transfer violated the concession agreement. By July 3 Adani’s proposal had gone to the Law Department and was to go to an Empowered Committee headed by the Chief Secretary, with the Cabinet to decide. Pinarayi then wrote to SEBI (reported July 5–6), alleging Adani failed to disclose the deal to the state despite the agreement and asking SEBI to seek an explanation under Regulation 30(11) of the LODR Regulations and begin proceedings if violations are found. He argued that a 49% stake clearly exceeds the 25% threshold and that a dominant shipping line as shareholder could deter rival carriers and weaken the port’s appeal as a neutral transshipment hub. On July 4, CPI(M)’s Kannur district secretary K.K. Ragesh alleged in a Facebook post that the removal of IAS officer Divya S. Iyer as the port’s managing director soon after the change of government was meant to benefit Adani, said the empowered committee consisted of officials from departments under the CM, who also holds the ports and finance portfolios, and questioned the CM’s Mangaluru flight and who paid for it; these are allegations (The Hindu/PTI, July 4). Adani says the sale would let AVPPL raise about ₹13,220 crore for expansion; the state has spent about ₹4,000 crore on the port and its connectivity.

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17. Local body fund cuts

June 19 – July 31, 2026

The revised budget cut local-body plan funds by ₹1,533 crore, according to the CM. In the Assembly on July 1, CPI’s G.R. Anil moved an adjournment notice saying the welfare and development work of local bodies had been badly hit; Opposition Leader Pinarayi Vijayan accused the government of abandoning “the Nehruvian and Gandhian ways of local governance”; and LDF MLAs accused the CM of misleading the House (Hans India). CM Satheesan said responsibility rested solely with the previous LDF government, which had made a ₹35,000 crore plan with no surety about ₹20,500 crore of it, so the UDF restructured it to ₹30,000 crore with proportional cuts in every department except SC-ST welfare and fisheries; he also said the LDF had not delivered the third instalment, ₹2,150 crore, to local bodies (The New Indian Express, July 2). That report gives the local-body plan as ₹11,189 crore in the LDF budget and ₹8,655.4 crore after revision, which differs by about ₹2,534 crore rather than the ₹1,533 crore it also cites; the discrepancy is not explained. Pinarayi later led a march to the Secretariat (July 30–31), saying there was “absolutely no justification” for withholding the funds and that — as he put it — no first instalment had been released even four months into the government’s term.

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18. Sabarimala judicial interference row

July 2–13, 2026

Devaswom Minister K. Muraleedharan criticised the Kerala High Court on July 12 for what The Hindu calls “excessive interference” in the affairs of Sabarimala and other temples; similar remarks in the Assembly around July 2 were reported by Sabarimala Up To Date. On July 13, in Kozhikode, he said the government was “not seeking a confrontation with the court” but had to protect its rights, and that the remarks were “not defiance of or disrespect towards the judiciary.” He said the government needed greater freedom in temple administration, that it could not act on the Sabarimala gold theft case until the High Court-monitored SIT files a charge sheet (a delay, he said, that could help the accused destroy evidence), and that the Travancore Devaswom Board “shirked its responsibility” by referring the Tantri question to the High Court. No named critic of the original remark appears in the sources reviewed.

Sources:

19. Operation Toofan MDMA bust & CM’s social media team row

August 9–13, 2026

An anti-narcotics operation (“Operation Toofan”) led to the arrest of Youth Congress activists — including K.H. Mohammed Hussain (also referred to as Huzain Muzafir) and Abdul Salam — at Kalikkadavu, Kasaragod, over a synthetic MDMA seizure. CPI(M) state secretary M.V. Govindan and Left organizations alleged the accused were core members of V.D. Satheesan’s personal social media team, and accused the CMO of pressuring Meta to suppress critical coverage. On August 13 Govindan displayed photographs of Satheesan with Hussain that he said predated the CM’s claim of having met him only after Hussain was injured in police action at a Nava Kerala Sadas event under the LDF government, said Hussain’s own Facebook post claimed five years in Satheesan’s social media team, and questioned the transfer of Operation Toofan’s nodal officer. Satheesan said he knew Hussain and Abdul Salam personally — he had visited Hussain’s house after the police beating — but learned of any drug involvement only on their arrest, that he has no social media team, and that the government had not contacted Meta to take down posts (The Hindu, August 13; The New Indian Express, August 14).

Operation Toofan itself — the wider anti-narcotics drive this arrest came out of — is tracked separately as entry #3 in UDF Government Achievements. For a cross-checked look at criticism of the operation’s design and execution (privacy, treatment capacity, enforcement targeting), see Operation Toofan — Anti-Narcotics Drive.

Sources:

20. KPCC reorganization factional deadlock

August 28 – October 2, 2026

Congress veteran Mullappally Ramachandran said on August 28 that the party organisation had been “inactive” for about three months without a full-time KPCC president, since Sunny Joseph is also Electricity Minister, and urged “one man, one post”; Joseph had reportedly told the leadership he was willing to step down. On September 3 members of the KPCC’s Political Affairs Committee voiced dismay at the delay, one saying the president had “almost relinquished his role” and that the party was failing to communicate the government’s welfare achievements (The Hindu). On September 15 the high command put the appointment on hold because the state leadership could not agree on a name; the CM and most state leaders argued the party could not afford to delay, leaders close to the CM said the government lacked adequate party support when controversies erupted in its first three months, and the high command did not want a choice to reopen factionalism (The New Indian Express). On October 2 Joseph acknowledged organisational time constraints and said an AICC decision on a full-time president was awaited.

Sources:

21. CMRL ledger & ED report probes

September 8–24, 2026

The ED has charged that CMRL, a chemical company in which the Keralam government holds a minority stake, camouflaged payments to Pinarayi Vijayan while he was CM as retainers to his daughter T. Veena’s now-defunct firm Exalogic Solutions during 2017–2021 for consultancy allegedly not provided. Pinarayi disputes that a diary the ED says it seized in May contains incriminating entries, and Mohamed Riyas says it holds notes on Veena’s Gulf business plans. In August the ED sent a 25-page report to the State Police Chief seeking Pinarayi’s prosecution under the Prevention of Corruption Act, which became public around September 8. On September 22 the UDF government ordered a police inquiry. Home Minister Chennithala said “legal prerequisites, and not politics” shaped the decision, citing the Advocate General’s advice and Supreme Court rulings: police cannot ignore information the ED shares on record, but registering an FIR in a corruption case depends on a preliminary inquiry showing a cognisable offence. He said he consulted the CM and that the government left the nature of the preliminary probe and the investigating agency to the State Police Chief (an official said Chennithala had suggested an SIT headed by the ADGP, Crime Branch), with the formal order to follow (The Hindu, September 22). CPI(M)’s M.A. Baby condemned the move the same day. CPI(M) state secretary M.V. Govindan said the Income Tax department’s original case, which cited ₹152 crore of suspected payoffs to politicians, used acronyms said to refer to the CM, the Home Minister and the Industries Minister, claimed the Home and Industries Ministers had publicly acknowledged taking election funds from CMRL, called the ED’s case politically motivated and the retainer paid to Exalogic legal and tax-compliant, and accused the UDF government of being the BJP’s “B-team” (The Hindu, September 22). On September 23 Satheesan said the intent was “not to target or take revenge on anyone” and that the Advocate General and the Director General of Prosecution had both advised that an inquiry could be ordered (The Hindu). On September 24 BJP’s Shone George released a purported diary page of CMRL’s managing director that he said lists payments to Satheesan, Chennithala and Kunhalikutty — an allegation whose authenticity has not been established.

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22. Ration rice quality lapses

September 9–29, 2026

Two separate ration-rice quality incidents surfaced. In Muvattupuzha, CITU headload workers found worms in rice sacks while unloading at a ration shop in Vazhakulam on September 9, and the stock was sent back (Asianet); worms were reported again the next day at a shop near Kalloorkkad junction, with CPI(M)/DYFI leaders protesting (Sathyam Online). Janmabhumi alone adds that both were traced to the Trikkalathur NFSA godown and Perumbavoor-based suppliers, and that Food Commission member K.N. Sugathan ordered 835 of roughly 1,400 sacks returned; the “supplied in July” and “excess moisture” details were not confirmed elsewhere, and shop numbers and locations differ between outlets.

Separately, Onmanorama (September 29) — the only outlet found carrying this story — reports that in Kollam, 7,166 kg of rice at two ration shops at Farka near Thenmala, in an area with a large Scheduled Tribe population, was assessed on July 13 as deteriorated and insect-infested, fit only for cattle/poultry feed. After the licensee cited illness at an August 4 hearing, a second inspection on August 10 by the same Supplyco quality-control official recommended 4,850 kg be washed and cleaned at a mill and distributed for human use. The report says “there are allegations” that the second report followed “intervention by higher-ups” and that there are “indications” the shop suspension was also relaxed; those allegations are unattributed in the report, and no department response is included in the piece.

A single Onmanorama report described a comparable worm/moth infestation at a ration shop in Adimali, Idukki, under the previous LDF government — its URL is dated August 2019, but the page itself displays “Published: December 13, 2020,” so even the report’s own date is unclear. Despite checking several other outlets (The Hindu, New Indian Express, Deccan Herald), independent corroboration of it couldn’t be found either, so treat this as a single-sourced, date-uncertain data point, not an established fact.

Sources:

23. Ministers’ sponsored foreign trips row

September 15–24, 2026

The row began with Home Minister Ramesh Chennithala’s US trip — on September 15 he said in a Facebook video from Chicago that it was not at government expense — and widened from September 21–22, after CM Satheesan’s chartered flight (entry #26), into a broader row over ministers accepting privately sponsored foreign travel. Chennithala, who went to the US with family — reported at roughly ₹8 lakh per person one-way — for the wedding of the son of a former Jai Hind TV functionary, said the hosts sponsored his entire trip (The Hindu, September 22). Sports Minister O.J. Janeesh said office-holders were entitled to “private time and occasional breaks” and that his overseas trips did not cost the exchequer. Local Self-Government Minister K.M. Shaji’s trip to Bulgaria was raised alongside his separate Range Rover controversy (entry #25). BJP’s K. Surendran and CPI(M) figures, including P. Rajeeve, demanded disclosure of who funded the trips, framing it as a propriety and conflict-of-interest question. On September 23 Satheesan defended the trips, saying they cost the exchequer nothing, that some were sponsored by organisations or friends, that he had sanctioned them so ministers could “go and learn things from across the world,” and that “if a minister is invited to an event and the organisers buy ticket, the sky is not going to fall” (The Hindu; The New Indian Express).

Sources:

24. Thiruvananthapuram Zoo relocation & “Madison Square” project row

September 16–24, 2026

CM Satheesan announced on September 16 (and repeated on September 24) a proposal to relocate the 167-year-old Thiruvananthapuram Zoo from its 55-acre city site to Neyyar or Palode, redeveloping the site as a public park modeled on Madison Square Park; a six-member forest department team was set to visit Vantara in Gujarat, though a senior forest official said the visit is not part of any process to shift the zoo and that the department was neither consulted on the proposal nor asked for a feasibility report (The New Indian Express, September 23). Backed by Mayor V.V. Rajesh (BJP) on animal-welfare and public-health grounds, the plan was opposed by the “Save Trivandrum Zoo” campaign, former mayor V.K. Prasanth (CPI-M — alleging hidden commercial land interests), and former zoo minister J. Chinchurani, who cited heritage value, veterinary/zoonotic risk to native wildlife near the new sites, and the loss of a tourism draw (~14 lakh visitors/year).

Sources:

25. Minister’s luxury car controversy

September 17–20, 2026

Local Self-Government Minister K.M. Shaji (IUML) faced conflict-of-interest criticism for using, as his official vehicle, a luxury Range Rover owned by his friend Yakoob Thillenkeri, a Kannur resident with a business in Riyadh, with the state’s cabinet-minister registration plate and the national flag fixed on it. CPI(M)’s K.T. Jaleel alleged a violation of the oath of office, and DYFI’s Chintha Jerome asked whether it was a quid pro quo. Shaji first said the van assigned to him had run over 4 lakh km and was unreliable, then returned the car, and on September 20 dared CPI(M) cadres to block his passage (The Hindu, September 20). CM Satheesan defended the arrangement on September 23, saying the allotted vehicle was about ten years old and that permission had been given.

Sources:

Shaji’s Bulgaria trip also came up as part of the wider ministers’ sponsored-foreign-trips row — see entry #23.

26. Flood management private plane scandal

September 21–24, 2026

During severe flooding in Malappuram, the opposition criticized Chief Minister V.D. Satheesan for flying there on September 21 in a chartered aircraft whose sponsor he declined to name. His office said a special flight was chartered because the police helicopter’s lease had expired (on September 19) and that it cost the government nothing (The Hindu, September 21). On September 23 Satheesan said “one of my acquaintances arranged a plane” — “a Keralite” — that he needed to reach Malappuram urgently after six deaths, that previous chief ministers including Pinarayi Vijayan and Oommen Chandy had also flown in planes owned by private individuals, and that he would do so again if needed. CPI(M)’s M.V. Govindan accused him of violating the oath of office, DYFI began painting competitions imagining the “mysterious sponsor,” T.M. Thomas Isaac said the LDF would seek legal recourse under the Prevention of Corruption Act, and Congress spokesperson Jinto John said the government should answer the “questions hanging in the air” (The Hindu, September 24; The New Indian Express, September 24).

Sources:

This row expanded into a broader controversy over ministers’ privately sponsored foreign trips — see entry #23.

Legal angle raised by critics: commentators and opposition figures argued the non-disclosure touched on several statutes, while noting a court would ultimately have to decide any actual liability:

Prevention of Corruption Act, 1988 — ss. 7 & 11: accepting a valuable service from an undisclosed source could be scrutinized as illegal gratification if a quid pro quo were shown.
RTI Act, 2005 — s.4 suo motu disclosure: since the tour was official, withholding the sponsor’s identity was said to work against the Act’s transparency mandate.
Representation of the People Act, 1951: undisclosed high-value hospitality could bear on MLAs’ asset-declaration obligations.
Ministerial Code of Conduct (MHA): bars ministers from accepting valuable gifts/hospitality from anyone with whom they have official dealings, and requires avoiding conflicts of interest.

27. Government hospital medicine shortage & private health lobby row

September 22 – October 5, 2026

On September 26 Opposition Leader Pinarayi Vijayan alleged that government hospitals faced an “unprecedented” shortage, even of paracetamol, IV fluids and anti-rabies vaccines, with stocks of 209 categories of medicines and equipment for this financial year yet to reach hospitals and acute shortages of antibiotics, cardiac medicines and doxycycline. He pointed to frequent changes at the helm of KMSCL and failures in tendering and purchase orders, and accused the UDF of a deliberate conspiracy to help the “private sector health care lobby” by turning government hospitals into “show pieces” (The Hindu, September 26; Deccan Chronicle adds an allegation of Congress funding from private hospital chains). At a review meeting that day, KMSCL’s general manager said essential medicines, including fever medication and antibiotics, were in stock and that medicines already on order would arrive that week. Health Minister K. Muraleedharan directed that procurement for the next financial year begin in October and finish by the end of December, with middlemen removed, imported-medicine agencies allowed to bid, only drugs procured by at least two state governments bought, and purchase prices published online. He also attributed the shortfall to a decade of inherited LDF-era mismanagement (ThePrint).

Update (October 4–5, 2026): the shortage is acknowledged but its size is disputed. On September 29 the minister said 18 medicines were short and would be restocked within a week, after having claimed days earlier that stock was sufficient; he also said “not all medicines will always be in stock.” The KMSCL general manager reportedly put the number at 28, and the Health Secretary called it “largely a media-created issue” (The Federal, October 4). The Federal lists the reported causes as delayed KMSCL procurement, weak supplier interest in tenders, quoted prices above last year’s, orders awaiting quality checks, and KMSCL running without a permanent managing director; former Health Minister K.K. Shailaja called the situation “serious” and urged a competent IAS officer for the post. By October 5, a single Malayalam-language report (Times Kerala; translated, no second outlet found) said several medicines — including doxycycline, diabetes drugs, anti-filarial drugs and children’s vitamins — had begun reaching warehouses, with about ten more, including aspirin, due by October 15, which KMSCL promised would clear all pending orders; the same report quotes the minister calling the coverage exaggerated and suggesting pharmaceutical-industry interests were amplifying it. That October 15 target for pending orders is corroborated by Asianet. On October 4, PTI and Onmanorama reported the health department will set up district-level Medicine Availability Monitoring Teams. The structural fix is slower: new tenders start in October and finish by the end of December, with medicines expected by February 2027 (The Hindu, September 26; The New Indian Express, September 27; Asianet). On patient impact, The Federal (October 4) reports some hospitals resorting to local purchases, while Onmanorama (September 22) adds that even wound-dressing cotton was short — a detail found only there. UNI (September 30) reports that district medical officers informed the government that hospital stocks were adequate and the shortage lay at KMSCL storage centres. The Federal adds that people dependent on government hospitals are making repeated, costly trips to private pharmacies. No data was found on how many patients are affected.

Sources:

28. Protest clashes and “selective policing” allegations

September 26 – October 5, 2026

A run of confrontations over the Youth Congress’s campaign against Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar has produced allegations that police treat the Left and the BJP’s youth wing differently. Timeline:

Sept 26: Youth Congress workers showed black flags at Union Home Minister Amit Shah’s convoy in Kollam, reportedly breaching the security cordon (the BJP alleged a security lapse). Reports differ on what happened to the five Youth Congress activists involved: The South First says detained, Reporter Live and ThePrint say arrested.
Sept 28: Minister O.J. Janeesh, who is also Youth Congress state president, posted video of the protest and then removed it. Reporter Live said the removal followed the CM’s displeasure, and Onmanorama (Oct 1) reports CPI(M) saying the CM forced it; Janeesh said he posted as Youth Congress president, that his office removed it because circulating it under a minister’s name could cause misunderstanding, and denied the CM asked.
Sept 30: A Youth Congress march led by Janeesh, demanding the CEC’s resignation, clashed with SFI near the University hostel in Thiruvananthapuram — each side blamed the other (stones and bottles versus a flaming torch) — and police entered the hostel, used a lathi-charge and reportedly tear gas. CPI state secretary Binoy Viswam alleged police were lenient with the Youth Congress and used excessive force on students. The same day, Yuva Morcha workers stopped Minister K.M. Shaji’s car at Vanross Junction (he was reportedly without a pilot vehicle or escort), blocked the autorickshaw he switched to, and he left on foot — after about five minutes (The South First) or about half an hour (Madhyamam, Times Kerala) — in protest at the Youth Congress’s black-flag demonstration.
Oct 1: DYFI workers blocked Janeesh’s vehicle in Kannur and Kasaragod; Taliparamba police booked six DYFI/SFI activists (damage reported at ₹2,000). In Palayam, police registered cases against 80 SFI/DYFI and 80 Youth Congress/KSU activists, both under non-bailable sections per police. Cantonment police registered a case on their own over the Shaji blockade under non-bailable sections (section numbers not reported), and two Yuva Morcha office-bearers — district vice-president Peter Solomon and a second leader, Ranjith (described as general secretary or secretary) — were arrested and remanded.
Oct 3: BJP state president Rajeev Chandrasekhar gave the Governor a memorandum seeking withdrawal of his “pleasure” over Janeesh, over the Youth Congress protest against Shah (ThePrint, UNI, The Statesman).
Oct 5: CPI(M) state secretary M.V. Govindan said the UDF government had “surrendered to BJP” and that SFI/DYFI activists are booked under non-bailable offences while “no such stringent provisions are invoked against” Yuva Morcha and ABVP.

Assessment: the one-sidedness claim is an allegation by CPI(M) and CPI. The reported record so far doesn’t show a clear one-sided pattern: cases and non-bailable sections were applied to both the Youth Congress and SFI/DYFI at Palayam, and non-bailable sections were reported in the Yuva Morcha case too, with two leaders arrested and remanded. Since section numbers aren’t published, comparative severity can’t be judged. No source found mentions the RSS. Separately, Home Minister Chennithala ordered a fresh Vigilance probe into the CEC around October 3–4 over a 2006 public-works matter (The South First calls it the Home Department’s order), on a complaint by Malayinkeezhu Venugopal — described as an aide to Chennithala by The South First and as a KPCC leader elsewhere. An RTI reply reportedly said the earlier case was closed as no irregularities were noticed, while Venugopal and Chennithala say it was “hushed up.” CPI(M)’s T.M. Thomas Isaac welcomed the probe on October 5.

Sources:

UDF Government Controversies — Keralam (2026)

Summary

Table of contents

Notes

May 2026

1. Pre-result Mangalore chartered flight row

2. Cabinet formation & regional imbalance row

June 2026

3. Minister Sunny Joseph’s brother-in-law named to his personal staff

4. Economy white paper backlash

5. Vehicle modification promise vs. High Court action

6. Wayanad township: officer transfers, and Congress’s own Wayanad house fund

7. Nipah response row & “Eranamkettavan” remark

8. K.B. Pradeep special pleader resignation

9. Women’s Safety Pension on hold

10. PM-SHRI education scheme U-turn

11. Monsoon power crisis & mismanagement

12. “Land Reforms 2.0” & asset privatization

13. “Bacardi tax” alcohol row

14. Rare earth and mineral sand mining corridor

15. Election Commissioner appointment controversy

16. Vizhinjam Port 49% stake sale to MSC

July 2026

17. Local body fund cuts

18. Sabarimala judicial interference row

August 2026

19. Operation Toofan MDMA bust & CM’s social media team row

20. KPCC reorganization factional deadlock

September 2026

21. CMRL ledger & ED report probes

22. Ration rice quality lapses

23. Ministers’ sponsored foreign trips row

24. Thiruvananthapuram Zoo relocation & “Madison Square” project row

25. Minister’s luxury car controversy

26. Flood management private plane scandal

27. Government hospital medicine shortage & private health lobby row

28. Protest clashes and “selective policing” allegations

Sources / links